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A long historiographical tradition has judged and condemned the British steel industry and its leaders for entrepreneurial failure, although they were rehabilitated in the 1970s by the then ‘new’ economic history to which their decisions appeared entirely rational. This debate cannot be reopened here. Whatever its performance, the iron and steel industry was an essential component of British big business in Edwardian England. Yet there is little doubt that it was less in the forefront than its Continental counterpart. There are two reasons for this. The first reason is that British iron and steel industrialists did not set up companies of the size reached by their German competitors. Why this should have been the case has aroused much discussion, though demand conditions seem to have been the major factor. Briefly stated, Britain was a mature, slowly expanding market, while the faster-growing markets of Germany and America were closed to her producers by protective tariffs. Free trade at home reinforced this situation, the more so as Britain tended to specialize in higher-quality open hearth steel, more suitable for shipbuilding, which absorbed as much as 30 per cent of British steel output by 1910-13. And in these conditions, the import of foreign steel for re-rolling was often more advantageous than investment into integrated plants. The second reason is that big business was already much more diversified in Britain than in Germany and France; heavy industry was one among a number of other important sectors.

It is widely assumed that the large firm emerged in capital goods in Germany, and in consumer goods in Britain. At first sight this seems obvious. One only has to glance at the list of the fifty largest industrial companies in Britain in 1905, ranked by capital, to be struck by the number of breweries. There were no less than fifteen, including Watney, Combe, Reid with a share capital of more than £6 million, Guinness with £4.5 million, Bass with £2.7 million, Whitbread with £2.3 million. Most of them—Guinness was the exception—had to raise vast amounts of capital in the ’scramble for property’ of the late 1880s and 1890s, when brewers paid increasingly inflated prices to purchase public houses. Property owners they might have been, but the top breweries were none the less large companies, though they were smaller if measured by workforce: even the largest among them did not employ more than 3,500 to 4,000 people. In the food component of the branded consumer goods industry, firms such as Cadbury, Fry, and Rowntree employed a similar number of people, but worked with a much smaller capital.

Much of the federal literature on the risks posed by terrorism —even when it involves the analysis of possible CBRN and WMD attacks—also understates the problem of uncertainty. At least in the open literature, this seems to have contributed to five problems in planning and analysis:

1. a lack of sophisticated pattern analysis and threat characterization;
2. a failure to look beyond past patterns of attack and examine the full range of possible futures;
3. a lack of explicit near- and mid-term net assessments of how the balance of means of attack can evolve relative to defensive and response options;
4. a failure to analyze the nature and impact of the many uncertainties in CBRN lethality and effects data; and
5. a reluctance to explicitly consider the full implications of large-scale and complex attack options for response and defense.

There is nothing new about potential threats to the United States from terrorism or even terrorism using WMD and there were many precedents before September 2001. There were at least fifty-two incidents of terrorist threats to use WMD between 1968–1994. However, there is no agreement within the federal government as to how to count and categorize the past pattern of threats to the U.S. homeland. Furthermore, some departments and agencies count attempts in ways clearly designed to suit their programs without defining the attempts in terms of seriousness and capability. Some threat counts seem to define every person in the United States who writes or speaks the word “anthrax” as a terrorist threat.

Contact with your teacher and with other students is conducted primarily through the use of email, bulletin boards and chat rooms.

Using email and Web pages will probably be the most convenient and fastest way for you to transmit and receive materials from your instructor and your peers. Most lecture materials are transmitted via Web pages in online education. Instructors prepare their materials and post them to the Web well in advance of your class assignments. Once the initial Web page has been posted, it varies from instructor to instructor as to how updates or continued materials are distributed.

Some will regularly update their Web pages throughout the term of a course. Others will provide updates by emailing them to their students, and still others will send them via the postal service. No matter how updates are transmitted, it is important for you to take responsibility for receiving them.

If you already use a word processor, you will be accustomed to reading text on screen and should know how to scroll up and down pages. Reading Web pages for lecture materials or assignments is no different. They are usually presented as text and pictures. In addition to your scroll bars, you can also use the page up and page down keys to move through the material one screen at a time. The reading style you employ may also determine which method of scrolling you use.

Some Web pages may also contain animations and sound. Depending on how those pages are developed, you may be required to download certain browser plug-ins (e.g. Real Audio, Shockwave, or Acrobat Reader). It is also possible that lecture materials will be available as a file to download to your computer. (For example, a Microsoft Word™ document, a spreadsheet template, or a Microsoft PowerPoint™ presentation.) Instructions for downloading information and/or installing free browser plug-ins to your computer are available in your browser documentation.

IMC has become a strategic business process. It is not just about promotion itself, but about communication. Strategic refers to the overall driving force of the organization. IMC has become part of that driving force according to this definition, or - put another way - it has the potential to become a driving force if a company takes the steps that lead to its implementation.

Different definitions mean different interpretations, hence different applications. Businesses are also diverse. They are each exposed to different market dynamics. If there is a new idea on the marketing street, an idea that promises integration, interaction, synergy, greater persuasion, at lower costs, with greater benefits - then that idea will be embraced rapidly, expeditiously, and its tenets supported and sustained within and without the business.

The understanding and interpretation of IMC leads directly to application. Furthering that understanding requires study and learning. Applying increased knowledge requires financial and technological resources, and that precious resource of management or executive time.

IMC is here, apparently, to stay. It is defined and practised in various ways. Here, in this text, we are located in one stage of IMC though we stretch beyond this in terms of critical comments and theoretical foundations. It is, as we say, designed to ‘prime’ students to further studies in this emergent field of academic and practitioner endeavour.

The Internet is the operational tool of postmodernism’s worst-kept secret: that we live in a plagiaristic and unstable world where market dominance lasts as long as it takes somebody to copy the code, duplicate the idea, and market it better. How does information work in this environment? How does information validate itself, copyright itself, and mutate itself as our 24/ 7 working practice creates destabilizing demands on humans and machines? How does a university keep up with working practice? How long should its research projects last and how closely must it work with the unstable practitioners of the ever-moving digital coalface?

The university is the place where the truth, the universal, is sought. Where research can consider anything from the veracity of web logs to the influence of one seventeenth century English poem on Russian literary thought-and will always be seeking the truth, to add to, or replace, the cannon.

But in this, newly marketised, environment, teaching and research about technology poses enormous strains on the academy: not just by its constant iterations of upgrade: from the endless cycles of programming languages, through the Windows world of 95, 98 etc. and also, for example, the endlessly changing truths of the new media: content is king, communication is everything, interactivity is the only goal, new media is e-commerce, the database rules, the intranet works, design is crucial, digital television is the true Internet. The list goes on, is added to and subtracted from each month.

Remember ‘push’ technologies? Once, the revered Wired magazine dedicated an entire issue to the ‘push’ revolution, shortly before it launched its own push channel. A few weeks ago one of the leading technology companies in ‘push’ went bankrupt-in 1997 Rupert Murdoch had offered $500 million for it, and had been turned down by its management.

‘The whole thing is about losing face. Any relationship is built on a succession of challenges: whether you are doing business, are at a banquet or with a friend. Everything is based on challenging the next person. At a banquet there are various targets. The banquet lasts about four or five hours. The first impression that you have is that they are as keen as you are to have a good time. But it’s not as simple as that. They are keen to have a banquet, because they have been through very hard times—that’s human. But the various targets might be to extract information from people, test their reputation, test their endurance. Because in a banquet, basically, you drink a lot. In a negotiation various parties are present, and at the banquet it might be appropriate for one party to be extinguished half-way through the banquet so that the other parties can talk more freely.

‘I have been at banquets where not-so-desirable parties have been targeted and extinguished—in fact, once it was a political bureau. I’ve been in situations where it was quite clear that I was the party that had to be extinguished, and I had to fight. There were 30 people around the table, and you learn very quickly that each party is represented by three or four persons. If you have 26 other people consistently challenging three or four persons for three or four hours, you know who is on the hot spot. That’s the name of the game. It is put in a way where the people who are consistently being challenged are presented as the most important ones at the table. They have the highest grade in some kind of hierarchy. You might start to feel you are important, but as they consistently challenge you, you may end up with your head in your rice-bowl. That’s when you work out that the predominant feeling around the table wasn’t friendliness and hospitality, but the opposite!

Big business was also much diversified in Britain. In the early twentieth century, big business was almost synonymous with banking and heavy industry in Germany and France, whereas it included a broader range of activities in Britain. In Germany in 1907 there were twenty banks and twelve firms from the coal, iron, and steel industries among the 45 companies with a paid-up capital of £2 million or more. And, not surprisingly, out of the 24 firms employing 10,000 people or more, 19 belonged to the heavy industries. By 1911 in France, 13 companies out of the 21 with a capital £2 million or more were banks, while 8 out of 11 firms with 10,000 employees or more were coal, iron, and steel companies. Contrast these figures with the distribution of the 93 British firms working with a capital of £2 million or more in 1907, where only 21 were financial institutions (including a mere 6 banks), and only 10 coalmining or metal-manufacturing enterprises. Companies from the heavy industries obviously made up a fair proportion of the country’s largest employers, though not an overwhelming one as in Germany and France: 9 of the 17 firms with 10,000 employees or more belonged to this sector.

Such a low proportion of financial institutions among the largest British companies might appear surprising given the major role played by financial services in the British economy. However, relying on paid-up capital as a measure of size would in this case be misleading. English commercial banks, unlike their Continental counterparts, confined their activities to deposit banking operations—that is, on the assets side, mostly short-term loans, discounts, and investments in highly marketable securities. They thus worked with a much smaller capital, but with larger deposits, than the French and German banks. In 1907 the then largest British bank, Lloyds Bank, had a capital of £3.85 million, as against £10 million for the Deutsche Bank and for the Crédit Lyonnais. Measured by total assets, however, the leading British banks were among the largest in the world in the early twentieth century, though not (as one might have expected) the largest. On the eve of the First World War, five European commercial banks were roughly of equal size, with total assets exceeding £100 million. Three were British: Lloyds Bank, Midland Bank (then called the London City and Midland Bank), and Westminster Bank (then called the London County and Westminster Bank). One was French, the Crédit Lyonnais, and one German, the Deutsche Bank. Six other banks stood a little behind, with total assets between £40 million and £60 million: two British banks, Barclays Bank and the National Provincial Bank; two French banks, the Société Générale and the Comptoir National d’Escompte de Paris; and two German banks, the Dresdner Bank and the Disconto-Gesellschaft.

The tragic attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on September 11, 2001 have made it all too clear that wars do not have to be declared and threats do not have to be overt. It is brutally clear there is a wide spectrum of potential threats to the U.S. homeland that do not involve the threat of overt attacks by states using long-range missiles or conventional military forces. Such threats can range from the acts of individual extremists to state-sponsored asymmetric warfare. They can include covert attacks by state actors, state use of proxies, and independent terrorist groups. They can include attacks by foreign individuals and residents of the United States whose motives can range from religion to efforts at extortion. Motives can range from well-defined political and strategic goals, to religion and political ideology, crime and sabotage, or acts by the psychologically disturbed. The means of attack can vary from token uses of explosives, cyber-terrorism, car and truck bombs, and passenger airliners to the use of weapons of mass destruction (WMD).

We have already experienced some devastating attacks, but no pattern of attacks on U.S. territory has yet emerged that provides a clear basis for predicting how serious any given form of attack will be in the future, what means of attack will be used, or how lethal new forms of attack will be if they are successful. As a result, there is a major, ongoing debate over the range of threats that need to be considered, the seriousness of such threats, and how the U.S. government should react. Years before the attacks of September 2001, a Government Accounting Office (GAO) report on terrorism summarizes the various views within the U.S. government regarding these uncertainties as follows:

There are three schools of thought on the terrorist threat: (1) some believe the threat and likelihood of terrorist attack is very low and does not pose a serious risk; (2) others believe the threat and likelihood of terrorist attack is high and could seriously disrupt the U.S. national and economic security; and (3) still others believe assessments of the threat and vulnerability to terrorist attack need to be accompanied by risk assessments to rationally guide the allocation of resources and attention. The expert further stated that such risk assessments would include analyses of vulnerability and susceptibility to terrorist attack and the severity of potential damage. According to U.S. intelligence agencies, conventional explosives continue to be the weapon of choice for terrorists. Although the probability of their use may increase over time, chemical and biological materials are less likely terrorist weapons because they are more difficult to weaponize and the results are unpredictable. Agency officials also noted that terrorist’s use of nuclear weapons is the least likely scenario, although the consequences could be disastrous.